Свобода, свобода, эх, эх, без.
Mar. 2nd, 2005 03:07 pm![[personal profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/user.png){kind=small}
malenkiyscotВчера в новостях по радио, как бы между прочим, сообщили, что в полиции создается (создан?) специальный отдел для борьбы с антиправительственной деятельностью. В каждом отделении полиции будет создан пост для представителя этого отдела.
Кто-нибудь может кинуть готовую ссылку (желательно по-русски или по-английски, для всех)?
Кто-нибудь может кинуть готовую ссылку (желательно по-русски или по-английски, для всех)?
![[identity profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/openid.png){kind=small}
Who said that Israel is a democracy model of Middle East?
Date: 2005-03-02 01:19 pm (UTC)Спасибо
Date: 2005-03-03 04:23 am (UTC)Re: Спасибо
Date: 2005-03-03 07:29 am (UTC)If, to the agents of NKVD, a book of Tanya was a "weapon", then using it would constitute "violence". Current liberal mindset is in line with communist views, thus making Israeli left wing into ideological descendants of the NKVD.
When they say "violent resistance" they mean "propaganda" on the sanctity of Eretz Yisroel, on the value of a Jewish life, etc.
Re: Спасибо
Date: 2005-03-03 08:16 am (UTC)Кстати, Вы писали, что у Вас есть копия решения по делу о книгах. Можете поделиться, пожалуйста?
no subject
Date: 2005-03-03 10:32 am (UTC)here it is (in two parts)
Date: 2005-03-03 12:38 pm (UTC)By SHIRA HERZOG
Wednesday, March 2, 2005 - Page A17
It's time for the Jewish community to wake up. While its leaders still debate the pros and cons of the Israeli government's withdrawal plan from the Gaza Strip and the northern West Bank, the strong majority of Israelis who support the plan are somewhere altogether more visceral. They're fighting to protect the state's democratic institutions from an all-out assault by the plan's opponents. For Jews committed to Israel's democracy, now's the time to go beyond platitudes and draw a line in the sand on the terms of a legitimate Jewish debate. It's a moment for tough words and an uncompromising stand.
These are unprecedented times for Israelis. While broad public support for Ariel Sharon's plan remains firm and the Knesset and cabinet have formally approved it, opponents of withdrawal are resorting to strident attacks on the democratic process itself. By now, they've crossed the line of free speech and legitimate dissent: Rabbinic leaders of the settler community have instructed soldiers to disobey orders en masse on the grounds that evacuating settlements is tantamount to a betrayal of Jewish law. Other rabbis have declared that loyalty to the land's holiness supercedes loyalty to the law of the state. Politicians on the right have denounced the legitimacy of the Knesset vote because it included Arab, non-Jewish parliamentarians. "Softer" opponents argue that Mr. Sharon's decision is a betrayal of campaign promises and therefore unacceptable. (They conveniently forget that, in the 1956 Suez War, David Ben-Gurion withdrew Israeli troops from Sinai just days after saying he would not, or that, in the 1979 peace negotiations with Egypt, Menachem Begin evacuated Israeli settlements in Sinai after saying he would move there himself.) Some Israelis warn that the current atmosphere echoes the verbal incitement that preceded the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin nine years ago. Now, like then, the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers and senior military commanders have received death threats, and Israel's security services warn of the possibility of another political assassination.
But the situation is actually more dangerous. The combination of an approved timetable for evacuating settlements and Mr. Sharon's role at the government's helm has unleashed a flood of messianism and vilification. Never before have leading political and religious figures dared to dismiss the state's authority so openly and contemptuously.
Moreover, never before has criticism of the government stooped quite as low and used language that defies all moral standards. When the editor of Nativ, a policy review published in the large West Bank settlement of Ariel (considered one of the "clusters" of settlements that Mr. Sharon wishes to retain under Israeli control), describes the government's plan as "ethnic cleansing," Mr. Sharon as head of the Judenrat (the Jewish police force in Nazi-occupied lands, viewed by many as collaborators), and Israel's defence minister as collaborating in "the final solution" (a reference to the Nazi plan to exterminate the Jews of Europe) -- one can only gasp in shock. There has to be zero tolerance for such analogies. Any Jew who publicly compares the elected government of Israel to Hitler's Nazis simply forfeits the right to empathy or dialogue.
Israelis are fighting back, but they need help. American Jews haven't quite caught up. Last week, U.S. Jewry's leading representative body, the Conference of Presidents, issued a statement supporting disengagement that contained familiar calls for responsible dissent and the "unity of the people of Israel." In a way, this misses the point. It's time to call a spade a spade and confront Israeli extremists and their supporters head-on.
part 2
Date: 2005-03-03 12:39 pm (UTC)Maybe we can do that better here at home, even if the price is open division within the Jewish community. B'nai Brith Canada's publication, The Jewish Tribune, excoriates Mr. Sharon for demonizing the settlers and promotes their cause, but says little about the settlers' incitement against Israel's duly elected leaders. How should this silence be interpreted? Besides, whatever their concerns about the disengagement plan, where is B'nai Brith's outrage at the Holocaust imagery that permeates the settlers' discourse?
By contrast, the Canada-Israel Committee has just issued a statement supporting Mr. Sharon's "democratic and legislative legitimacy to implement the disengagement plan." And last week, The Canadian Jewish News urged the Jewish community to support Israel's rule of law regardless of reservations about its government's policy.
These are important steps, but they need to be buttressed. In their collective wisdom, Israelis have decided that, to remain a democracy with a Jewish majority, they must begin divesting themselves of the territories occupied in 1967, and this majority is being held hostage by the extremist minority. It's not enough to support the government of Israel; the campaign against its legitimacy has to be denounced. Those responsible for it need to hear from Israel's friends in Canada that their actions endanger the very democracy that Canadian Jews hold dear.
shiraherzog@rogers.com